The Life of Abbas Lisani is in Danger

The Life of Abbas Lisani is in Danger !

The ethnic Azerbaijani prisoner of conscience Abbas Lisani continues his hunger strike at Iran's Ardebil prison. He refuses to stop his strike despite numerous appeals and deteriorating health.
Abbas Lisani is convicted to 30 month imprisonment and 3 years of exile for his activity for cultural rights of Iranian Azerbaijanis under charges of propaganda against regime, speaking Azerbaijani in the court, participation and organization of illegal gathering.

Mr. Lisani's defense lawyer, Mohammad Reza Fagihi, director of the Committee for Protection of Prisoners, says he fears for his client's health. Mr Lisani's wife says her husband lost almost half of his weight, he hardly speaks and moves.
Abbas Lisani suffers from stomach and kidney problems, and pain in his ribs, which is a consequence of torture inflicted during previous periods of detention. Mr Lisani insistedly continues his hunger strike in solitary confinement in the tiny, unheated cell where he is being kept since January 18. This condition is unbearable for anyone let alone for the person who is in hunger strike and suffers from the lack of nutrition.
Prisoner of conscience Abbas Lisani began a hunger strike on January 1, 2007, in protest at the violation of his prisoner rights, and at the harassment of his family. He refused to stop his hunger strike despite being threatened by the prison authorities. On January 18 he was moved to solitary confinement where he is detained in a very small cell without any heating, in an area of Ardebil, where the temperature reaches -10o C during the night. He has no access to any medical care, his health is deteriorating and Mr. Lisani's wife Rugayya Lisani and his lawyer Mohammad Reza Fagihi say Abbas Lisani's life is in danger. Family of Mr Lisani has been constantly harassed for delivering information to international organizations.
Mr Lisani is announced as a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International as he believed to be arrested for peaceful activity for cultural rights of Iranian Azerbaijanis. Arrested in June for taking part in a May 2006 demonstrations in Ardebil, Mr. Lisani was detained until his release on bail in September. During his pre-trial detention, he conducted a hunger strike that lasted fifty-eight days.

The Committee for Abbas Lisani's Rights asks you to express your concern about inhuman detention conditions of Mr Abbas Lisani and call on Iranian Government to provide Mr Lisani with medicare.


For more information:
Committee for Abbas Lisani's rights
e-mail: lisani.info@yahoo.com

To be realist is rational !

Ilnur cevik is a Turkish Journalist and Buisnessman. In his recent column in The New Anatolia;he puts forward ideas that
can be helpful for decreasing tensions in Kurdish-Turkish relation.
It is rightly expected from Mr.Ilnur Cevik to have a new approach to Kurdish cause in the North as well, because without realizing, and accepting the issue there, nice words about the South could be taken as a deception.
The following essay is a realitsic approach by above mentioned writer
Syinqella

Tension in Kirkuk, tension in Ankara
Ilnur Cevik
ilnurcevik@yahoo.com
24 January 2007
Kirkuk is a hot potato these days not only in the Turkish capital but also in Hwelêr, the capital of the Kurdish regional government of Iraq.The Turkish Parliament discussed the future of Kirkuk as well as the general situation in Iraq in a secret session on Tuesday.Parliament also discussed the issue last Thursday in a general debate that showed how some people in Turkey do not know the realities of Iraq as well as displaying the chauvinist nationalist sentiments that have gripped our society these days.The opposition clearly showed it knows nothing about the realities of Iraq or the Kurdish north and is being misled by a disinformation campaign based on exaggerations on Kirkuk.In Hewlêr meanwhile, the Kurds have held a series of meetings on Turkey's attitude on Kirkuk and the rising tensions with Ankara. The Kurdish regional parliament, which is now on recess, will meet in an extraordinary session today to discuss what they call "Turkish interference in the internal affairs of Iraq."Turkey feels it has a duty to defend the rights of the Turkmen minority in Iraq. It is unfortunate that the Turkmens have been marginalized in Iraq because of internal divisions.In Hewlêr and Kirkuk they are a huge minority who can demand rights and privileges. If the Turkmens played their cards right they could command a leading role not only in the Kurdish political process but also in Baghdad. But unfortunately they are bitterly divided because of the mistaken policies of past Turkish governments and thus they are suffering from divisions and discord. They have been seriously weakened and thus have been sidelined in the Iraqi political process, which is extremely unhealthy. You simply cannot write them off and disregard their rights even if conditions have marginalized their position in Iraq.The Turkmens are a reality and their rights have to be respected not only as a minority but as partners in the Kurdish political process as well as in Baghdad. If this is done then the solution to the Kirkuk issue can be facilitated.The Turkmens do not have a strong voice in Iraq. It is unfortunate that some Turkmens are trying to win Turkey's backing by exaggerating their plight. They are making some false claims of Kurdish intransigence which is only creating deeper tensions between them and the Kurds.Last week a Turkmen political party leader appeared on Turkish TV and claimed the Kurds had banned the use of the Turkmen language in Hewlêr. This is absolutely false and yet many people in Turkey believed this claim, which only deepened Turkish anger against the Kurds… The Turkmens have to realize that such exaggerated claims are only hurting their cause and their real hardships and sufferings are being shadowed by these claims.Let everyone talk about the realities and the truth. Kirkuk is a province where Kurds are a majority. Turkmens of the province are also a sizeable minority who should be the partners of the Kurds. Any solution that does not appease the Turkmens and the Kurds is no solution…Instead of sowing new tensions on Kirkuk we should seek ways to defuse the explosive atmosphere between Turkey and the region. This cannot be done when Ankara and Hewlêr are trading accusations and counter-accusations.

Exposing a febricated Report

Exposing a fabricated Report

In today’s number of Turkish Daily there is a report concerning the resettlement of Kurds in the Kurdistani city of Kerkuk.
This fabricated report shows the total ignorance of its authors , which most likely is a disinformation launched by Turkish intelligent agencies to incite hatred and fear between the population of Kerkuk.
For instance the report claims that the total number of people from different communities in Kerkuk who were expelled from Kerkuk during the reign of previous regime in Iraq, amounts to 11,800 persons. This is a sheer lie. Hurriyet refers this issue to United Nations statistics, without saying where this statistics is published.
Another point which reveals the fabricated content of this report and the ignorance of its authors is calling 3 neighborhoods of the city of Kerkuk to be near the town Erbil (Hewler)
Actually the neighborhoods of Rehimawa, Iskan, Shorica are main neighborhoods of the city of Kerkuk.
The following is the fabricated report of Hurriyet in its on line issue of today:

Hejar

Hurriyet , English Sunday, January 14, 2007

Report on Kirkuk: 600,000 Kurds have moved to this northern city post-Saddam

Hurriyet has obtained a copy of the report on the population shifts in the Northern Iraqi city of Kirkuk, a report whose contents have underlined in speeches over past weeks by both National Intelligence Agency (MIT) head Emre Taner and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The study on Kirkuk's demographics, and developments related to the rapid movement of Iraqi Kurds into the area, contains the following details: * An estimated 600,000 Kurdish citizens have been moved to Kirkuk from different areas in Northern Iraq, and have subsequently been registered to vote in elections. There are allegations that money has been promised to many of the Kurds moving to Kirkuk. Some reports note that the promised money has been as much as 10 to 20 thousand dollars per family. * Most of the Kurds moving into the region are being placed in apartments being built in Suleymaniye or in Rahimova, Iskan, and Shorca near Erbil. * Other Kurdish families moving into the area are currently staying in tents near the Kirkuk Stadium, many waiting for money promised to them in return for making the move. * Peshmergas and their families have moved into the military garrisons in Kirkuk built during Saddam Hussein's rule. * According to United Nations statistics, the number of Turkmenis, Kurds, Arabs, and Suryanis forced to move away from Kirkuk under Saddam Hussein's rule was around 11,800. The number of Kurds estimated to have moved to Kirkuk following Saddam Hussein's overthrow is around 600,000.

A glance to the recent events of Azerbaijan

The Following article is written by a Kurdish cultural activist in Eastern Kurdistan [ The original langauge of the article is in Persian]
Sayinqella

نگاهي به حوادث اخير آذربايجان
1ـ حوادث اخير آذربايجان هم واقعيت «جدي بودن» چالش‌هاي قومي را بار ديگر گوشزد كرد و هم طي پديده‌‌اي نادر و كمتر غيرقابل پيش‌بيني، عينيت شكاف‌هاي قومي را در عميق‌ترين لايه‌هاي جمعيتي كشور و نزديك‌ترين گروه قومي به مركز، به نمايش گذاشت. دلايل زيادي را مي‌توان براي غيرمنتظره بودن ناآرامي‌هاي اخير مناطق ترك‌نشين اقامه نمود. ترك‌ها، بيشتر از همه گروه‌هاي قومي ديگر در جامعه ايران ادغام شده‌اند و برخلاف اقليت نسبتاً كم جمعيت عرب‌هاي خوزستان (آنها هم مانند ترك‌ها در شيعه بودن با اكثريت جمعيت ايران اشتراك دارند) بخش قابل توجهي از بورژوازي تجاري و بازار تهران، نيروهاي مسلح و ديوان‌سالاري حكومتي را تشكيل مي‌دهند. تقريباً همه ناظران در اين نكته متفق‌القولند كه نوع و حجم اعتراض‌هاي صورت‌گرفته، به هيچ‌وجه متناسب با كاريكاتور و احياناً اهانت روزنامه ايران نبوده و بيشتر آزاد شدن پتانسيلي از سرخوردگي و اعتراضات فروخورده‌اي را به نمايش مي‌گذارد كه در گذشته مجالي براي بيان آنها وجود نداشته است. مي‌توان ادعا نمود كه دليل اصلي اعتراضات، تبعيض‌هاي مكرر و انباشته‌شده فرهنگي و نوعي ركود و بي‌توجهي اقتصادي، به خصوص در 16 سال گذشته است كه سياست‌هاي توسعه اقتصادي دولت‌هاي وقت، با تمركز بر تهران و استان‌هاي مركزي ايران، باعث شدند كه استان‌هاي ترك‌نشين كه سابقاً در جدول توسعه از شاخص‌هاي مناسبي برخوردار بودند، به رده‌هاي پايين‌تر جدول رانده شوند. به اين سياهه مي‌توان دلايل كلي‌تري چون رشد و نضج ناسيوناليزم آذربايجاني بر اثر فروپاشي شوروي و تشكيل آذربايجان مستقل، فعاليت‌هاي تلويزيوني و رسانه‌اي گروه‌هاي پان‌تركيست افراطي در خارج از كشور و حتي روند جهاني شدن را افزود كه در كليت خود، فرصت و مجال نسبتاً مناسبي براي احياي جنبش‌هاي هويت‌خواه و تقويت هويت‌هاي محلي و قومي فراهم آورده است. گو اينكه همين دلايل كلي در تقويت و زنده شدن «احساس تبعيض»در اين‌جا هم مؤثر بوده‌اند. 2ـ ناآرا‌مي‌هاي اخير مناطق ترك‌نشين، به واسطه وسعت، جمعيت و اهميت آن، بيش از هر چيز ضرورت برخورد علمي و كارشناسي با مسأله قوميت‌ها و لزوم جايگزيني نگاه نرم‌افزاري به جاي نگاه امنيتي و فرافكنانه را يادآوري مي‌سازد. از دل نگاه علمي، مي‌توان رهيافت‌هاي گوناگون سياسي، فرهنگي، اقتصادي و حتي امنيتي را به فراخور ضرورت كارشناسيشان استخراج نمود و به كار بست. البته عملياتي كردن هر كدام از اين ايده‌ها به سادگي ميسر نيست و به نظر مي‌رسد كه نيازمند نوعي تغيير كلان ديدگاه سياسي باشد كه آن هم خود محتاج تغييراتي اساسي و معرفتي در نگاه به مقولاتي چون فلسفه حكومت، جامعه، دولت ـ ملت و... است. طرف ديگر قضيه براي حسن تدبير در چالش‌هاي قومي، خود قوميت‌ها و مشخصاً آذربايجاني‌ها مي‌باشند. توجه به ظرفيت‌هاي مدني حركت قومي و انتخاب سخنگوياني مسئول و دموكراتيك، وظيفه اصلي فعالان فرهنگي، سياسي و قومي اين ديار مي‌باشد. «پان‌تركيسم» كه در ميان اقليت اندكي از ترك‌ها هوادار دارد، نمي‌تواند سخنگوي مناسبي براي مطالبات قومي آذربايجان باشد. هر چند كه متأسفانه بدليل نوپا بودن حركت و ضعف‌هاي ساختاري و تاريخي آن، بيش از همه نغمه آن شنيده مي‌شود. بنيادهاي رمانتيك، تخيلي و غيرواقع‌بينانه پان‌تركيسم كه از سرشت ايدئولوژيك و گاه نژادپرستانه آن نشأت مي‌گيرد، با واقعيت‌هاي جهان جهاني‌شده امروز كه متكي بر تجارب دموكراتيك و آموزه‌هاي حقوق بشري و فاصله‌گيري از سويه‌هاي غيردموكراتيك انواع و اقسام ايدئولوژي‌هاي پان و... است همخواني ندارد. گفتمان سلبي و توان فوق‌العاده ايدئولوژي پان‌تركيسم در «ديگري»سازيهاي مكرر و گاه فاجعه‌آفرين، به تبار قفقازي ـ عثماني آن و حتي بعضاً ريشه‌هاي ناسيوناليزم مهاجم و غيرمدني اسلاو (به عنوان «ديگري» و رقيب پان‌تركيسم در مراحل آغازين شكل‌گيري آن) برمي‌گردد كه در پويه تاريخي خود چندان منشأ خير و سعادت براي انسان‌ها و حتي پيروان خود نبوده است. تازه هيچ يك از اينها با واقعيت‌هاي تاريخي ايران و تجارب بومي آن خوانايي ندارد. واقعيت آن است كه در ايران هيچ‌گاه شاهد بروز پديده شوونيزم ـ به معناي مرسوم آن ـ نبوده‌ايم و برخي از تبعيض‌هاي قومي، نژادي، زباني و مذهبي موجود ناشي از دوگانه تاريخي اقتدارگرايي ـ مردسالاري و برخي هم برخواسته از «مازاد توليد» ناسيوناليزم فرهنگي است كه از طرف بوروكراسي و دستگاه‌هاي ايدئولوژيك دولت توليد و در ميان اقليت‌هاي قومي توزيع و يا تحميل مي‌شود. صدالبته اين به معناي انكار تبعيض‌هاي موجود و تطهير سويه‌هاي سخت‌افزاري و خشونت‌بار پروژه ملت‌سازي در ايران نيست. بلكه تذكار اين نكته است كه شبيه‌سازي‌هاي ايدئولوژيك و غيرواقعي و ترسيم مدل‌هاي آرماني و غيرقابل دسترسي، نه تنها كمكي به بهبود وضعيت قوميت‌ها نمي‌كند، بلكه بر ميزان ابهامات و پيچيدگي‌ها و نتيجتاً دردها و رنج‌ها خواهد افزود. اعطاي حقوق فرهنگي به ميليون‌ها ترك‌زبان و ايجاد امكان تدريس و آموزش زبان تركي، قبل از آنكه ماهيت ايدئولوژيك «حقوق بشرگونه» دارد و طبعاً پيگيري آن داشته باشد، سرشتي از اين مجرا آسان‌تر، كم‌هزينه‌تر و نتيجه‌بخش‌تر خواهد بود .
نوشته‌ شده‌ توسط صلاح الدین خدیو چهارم دیماه‌ 1385
Source : http://khadiw.blogfa.com