The Racists of Azad Tabriz News

The racists of Azad Tabriz News

An unknown and paralogist site called Azad Tabriz News constantly spreads lies and fabricated news about PJAK ( The Party of Free life in Kurdistan).
It is utterly illogical for a site claiming to defend the right of Azerbaijani Turkish people to spread lies and fabricated news against a movement which is working for fraternity and a peaceful coexistence between Kurdish nation and its neighbors.
No seriously minded person should be deceived by racists hiding behind rights of a section of the population in the region.
Narrow-minded ethnicity based endeavour is not leading any one any where.

Sayinqella.

Peter Halbraith : The Kurdish Border

Peter Galbraith: The Kurdish Border Poses an Explosive Threat

By Peter Galbraith Newsweek International

Sept. 24, 2007 issue - Qandil mountain is an unusual trouble spot. straddling the Iran-Iraq border in the Kurdish regions of both countries, it is inaccessible and inhospitable. When I drove up the mountain in 1992, valleys with scorching summer temperatures gave way to large snowfields. At the time, Qandil was home base for a Western-oriented Kurdish democratic movement that infiltrated
political activists and guerrilla fighters into Iranian Kurdistan. Today that base is used by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a separatist group on the State Department's list of terrorist organizations for attacks in Turkey, and PJAK, its Iranian branch. Though the Petraeus and Crocker testimony last week focused on violence in and around Baghdad, the Kurdish border regions pose an explosive threat that could embroil Iran, Turkey, Iraq and the United States. \n\u003cbr\>The PKK fought a 15-year war with Turkey that ended in 1999 with the capture of its leader Abdullah Ocalan. PKK remnants then fled to Qandil; ever since, Turkey has accused them of terrorist attacks and threatened to send troops against them. Iran has made the same accusations against PJAK, retaliated by shelling Kurdish border villages, and last week also threatened to send troops into Iraq. All parties act as if the Kurds on Qandil were someone else's problem. Iran and Turkey demand that the Iraqi government stop the cross-border attacks. But the Iraqi government has no presence within a hundred miles of Qandil, which is in territory nominally controlled by Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government. For its part, the regional government has neither the stomach to battle fellow Kurds nor the helicopters to reach the remote Qandil base. The United States, on the other hand, has the military power to dislodge both the PKK and the PJAK, but the last thing Washington needs now is to open a new front in the Iraq War. The Bush administration has told Ankara it sympathizes with its concerns but has no resources to strike the PKK. Meanwhile, the Iranians accuse the United States of supporting PJAK, a charge Washington denies. The Bush administration has appointed Gen. Joe Ralston, the former NATO Supreme Commander, as a special envoy between Turkey and the Iraqi Kurds. Although well regarded in both camps, Ralston's mission is only part-time and it is limited to the PKK. Washington should do more to smooth ties between the two sides. Apart from the PKK, relations between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan are surprisingly good. Iraqi Kurds remain grateful for Turkey's role in setting up and protecting the Kurdish enclave after the 1991 gulf war. Turkey is now by far the largest investor in Iraqi Kurdistan. And most important, Turkey seems to have accepted the reality of an independent Kurdistan; even Kenan Evren, the Turkish president who prosecuted the war against the PKK, has acknowledged that "a Kurdish state" now exists in Iraq and that Turkey must get used to it. One major hurdle ahead is the upcoming referendum due to be held at the end of the year that will likely bring Iraq's oil-rich Kirkuk province into Kurdistan.
political activists and guerrilla fighters into Iranian Kurdistan. Today that base is used by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), a separatist group on the State Department's list of terrorist organizations for attacks in Turkey, and PJAK, its Iranian branch. Though the Petraeus and Crocker testimony last week focused on violence in and around Baghdad, the Kurdish border regions pose an explosive threat that could embroil Iran, Turkey, Iraq and the United States. The PKK fought a 15-year war with Turkey that ended in 1999 with the capture of its leader Abdullah Ocalan. PKK remnants then fled to Qandil; ever since, Turkey has accused them of terrorist attacks and threatened to send troops against them. Iran has made the same accusations against PJAK, retaliated by shelling Kurdish border villages, and last week also threatened to send troops into Iraq. All parties act as if the Kurds on Qandil were someone else's problem. Iran and Turkey demand that the Iraqi government stop the cross-border attacks. But the Iraqi government has no presence within a hundred miles of Qandil, which is in territory nominally controlled by Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government. For its part, the regional government has neither the stomach to battle fellow Kurds nor the helicopters to reach the remote Qandil base. The United States, on the other hand, has the military power to dislodge both the PKK and the PJAK, but the last thing Washington needs now is to open a new front in the Iraq War. The Bush administration has told Ankara it sympathizes with its concerns but has no resources to strike the PKK. Meanwhile, the Iranians accuse the United States of supporting PJAK, a charge Washington denies. The Bush administration has appointed Gen. Joe Ralston, the former NATO Supreme Commander, as a special envoy between Turkey and the Iraqi Kurds. Although well regarded in both camps, Ralston's mission is only part-time and it is limited to the PKK. Washington should do more to smooth ties between the two sides. Apart from the PKK, relations between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan are surprisingly good. Iraqi Kurds remain grateful for Turkey's role in setting up and protecting the Kurdish enclave after the 1991 gulf war. Turkey is now by far the largest investor in Iraqi Kurdistan. And most important, Turkey seems to have accepted the reality of an independent Kurdistan; even Kenan Evren, the Turkish president who prosecuted the war against the PKK, has acknowledged that "a Kurdish state" now exists in Iraq and that Turkey must get used to it. One major hurdle ahead is the upcoming referendumdue to be held at the end of the year that will likely bring Iraq's oil-rich Kirkuk province into Kurdistan.
The United States should also encourage Turkey's efforts to address the grievances that enabled the PKK to gain so much support. In recent years, Turkey has legalized Kurdish-language broadcasts and permitted schooling in the Kurdish language. The cities of Turkey's southeast now have elected Kurdish mayors. And in the recent national elections, 20 Kurdish nationalists won seats as independents. The PKK itself has moderated, renouncing separatism in favor of Kurdish rights within Turkey. If Turkey were to enact a comprehensive amnesty (so far resisted by its military), most of the fighters on Qandil Mountain would return home and the PKK problem would disappear.There is little hope for a settlement with Iran, however. In April 1992, I listened to the Kurdish leader Sadik Sharafkindi outline his hopes for peace with Tehran. But four months later he was shot dead by Iranian agents posing as peace emissaries. To this day, Iran has refused to deal with even moderate Kurds, and the price it pays is growing support for extremists like PJAK. But Washington must keep Iran from destabilizing Iraqi Kurdistan. At a minimum, the administration should be as vocal about Iranian shelling of Kurdish villagers as it is about Iran's other activities in Iraq. The matter might also be referred to theU.N. Security Council. Kurdistan's stable, democratic and pro-Western government represents America's only enduring success in Iraq; Washington should do all it can to protect it.Galbraith is a former U.S. ambassador to Croatia, and has advised Iraq's Kurds.

© 2007 Newsweek, Inc.

Interview with Biryar Gabar

By Iraqi PaperBBC Monitoring Middle East

30-8-2007
Excerpt from interview by Diyari Muhammad-Qandil entitled:
"The political situation in Iranian Kurdistan is on the edge of hell"; by Iraqi independent daily newspaper Aso on 13 August


To shed light on political situations and expectations, Aso daily newspaper has interviewed Briyar Gabar, member of the Kurd Nation* and Party Jiyani Azadi Kurdistan (PJAK) [Kurdish for Kurdistan Free Life Party]. The interview tackles the following topics: the way PJAK was founded; PJAK's adopted method of striving to achieve the goals of the Kurdish people in eastern Kurdistan; its relationship with other parties; the future of the Kurdish parties and a range of other issues.

[Aso] When and how was the PJAK founded?

[Briyar Gabar] Ever since the 1990s, the Kurdish movement in Eastern Kurdistan has faced a crisis in the armed strife and thus adopted a sort of withdrawal. As far as public strife is concerned, the Kurdish movement has not had any impact on the authoritative system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since then, I daresay: "It is the internal movements which have affected Eastern Kurdistan"; an example is the Kurdish Uprising on 5 March 1991.

We may say that the PKK-led impact on eastern Kurdistan reached its zenith on 15 February 1999. This date generated a massive Kurdish activity which was ground work for establishing a new movement in eastern Kurdistan, in its form, belief, policy and its new philosophy. After 2000, when theoretical and organizational strife progressed gradually and youths were activated, a new movement called the Democratic Union was founded. This movement, which ran the organizational strife for several years, was able to establish its roots and move towards a modern organizational and political party.

In 2003, the said movement found suitable ground to hold its first conference, which decided that preparations must be made for the establishment of a political party. On 4 April 2004, the first conference was held for founding the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). In that conference, the PJAK's entire strategic agenda and a new policy were drafted. A second conference was held in the autumn of 2006. The PJAK is a political party, but in essence it is a rich political party with new beliefs and it strives to create a democratic society.

[Aso] Do you aim to realize the dreams of the leader Qazi Muhammad and Qasimlo?
[Briyar Gabar] [Passage omitted: well known facts] Obviously, the PJAK has worked hard to pursue the same objectives because it has the same ideology. Having paid high prices, the PJAK tries to fulfil the dreams of our late leaders and predecessors, but its political agenda and techniques may differ from those of the other parties in history. I believe that the PJAK is the fruit of those immortal martyrs who made sacrifices for their people. [Passage omitted: Repetition of the same idea]

[Aso] In how many European countries do you have representatives?

[Briyar Gabar] The PJAK is a new party which held its first congress in April 2004. Since then, our strife has covered all the parts of Kurdistan, being powerful in some parts but less powerful in others. Part of our strife is practiced among those Kurds who live abroad, but they originally belong to eastern Kurdistan. This is done not only in Europe but also in many other places. As for our organizational relations, we have been able to open organizational bureaus. In Sweden we have official representative and a bureau. Attempts are being made to open bureaus in other places as well.

[Aso] Do you have armed forces?

[Briyar Gabar] Yes, it is a guerrilla and partisan force that enjoys sound educational awareness, power and capacity. I may say that our force manages to nurture its cadres and outline its techniques for battle. Our force is now deeply rooted and young people are joining our party daily. On the other hand, I think that what is now happening between the PJAK and Iran is in the shape of partisan policy. This is due to our policy for the armed strife. We have tried to keep away from the enemy's provocations, yet we will counterattack if we are assaulted. This implies that we enjoy high standards in our armed forces.

[Aso] How about your relations with the Democrats and the Komala Wings?

[Briyar Gabar] Principally, PJAK believes that both inside and outside the country the advocates of democracy should hold mutual concepts and draw up plans against the regime of the Islamic Republic [of Iran]. In this regard, I can say that serious work and strife have been carried out. This has improved the situation to some extent. Lately, we have been holding dialogue with most - not all - the parties in eastern [Kurdistan]. Most of such parties have undergone certain favourable changes. We view this as a positive step. [Passage omitted: vague wording]. We have been holding dialogue with some of those parties which modified their ideas, but we have also criticized those views which are unacceptable to us. However, there are certain parties that offend us, without having any evidence or being familiar with us. Such a classical tradition is still practised by some individuals and parties. [Passages omitted: PJAK's stance towards criticism and known historical background]

[Aso] PJAK leader Haji Ahmed calls for the formation of a political front. Would you kindly tell us the objectives of such a front?

[Briyar Gabar] It seems that you have followed that up. [Passage omitted: repetition of previous statement.] One of the factors that we focus on is that each and every Kurd hopes for the unification of the parties and factions, although some critical parties detest that. I daresay that we have even felt social pressure. Several other parties have felt the same pressure as well. But the difference is that we follow up such criticisms and try to answer them, because this is a major part of our work. But other parties may take pride in such pressure and exploit it for other means, like publishing their agenda, for instance. [Passage omitted: circumlocution]. The objective of such a call [for a political front] is that the system of authority in the Islamic Republic of Iran may think of a solution for the Kurdish cause if the Kurdish parties, factions and forces come close to each other and unify their stance to create a sort of pressure on the Iranian authoritative system. If this call is answered, it will put an end to the current segregation among the Kurdish community.

Our call does not demand that all the parties should unite. Everyone can keep his own identity, agenda and beliefs. But we have to unify our common goals and merge our identical views. We have to come close together so that we will be able to strengthen the Kurdish cause and affect the enemy. Accordingly, we support the creation of a front, and we want to work together. We have taken practical steps for this.

[Aso] Apart from the parties, has anyone else tried to negotiate between you [and other parties]?
[Briyar Gabar] There are always such intellectual, loyal and patriotic people who try to have a favourable impact on such issues, whether practically or through criticism. For this, we would like, through your newspaper, to thank all such esteemed people who have exerted every effort to encourage dialogue and negotiations and to bring all the segregated Kurdish parties together. I would also like to inform you that the PJAK - more than any other party - is negotiating with the Kurdish parties from other parts of Turkey, Syria and even in [Iraqi] Kurdistan Region to some extent. [Passage omitted: unnecessary elaboration].

[Aso] Has the Iranian Itila'at [Intelligence] tried to overthrow you, in the way that the Turkish MIT tries to topple the PKK leadership?
[Briyar Gabar] As far as we know, such accusations against Turkey are true. We have received information that several people have been captured and questioned regarding intelligence espionage. Such plans will at last be uncovered, whether small or large in scale. Sometimes, even the Turkish internal parties reveal their plots against the Kurdish cause and Kurdish leaders. Iran has been known throughout history for its plots of assassinating and exterminating Kurdish leaders both inside and outside the country. Kurds have bitter experience of such Iranian policy. Although we have not faced abduction or other forms of terrorism against PJAK leaders, we have learned enough lessons from the atrocities and horrible acts of the regime and the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

[Aso] Don't you fear that your leader might face the same fate as Qasimlo, who was assassinated abroad?
[Briyar Gabar] Having faced such a system, which denies the Kurdish people their smallest rights and dismisses all sorts of criticisms, the PJAK and its affiliates will absolutely be targeted. We have been quite aware of this. I can say that PJAK leader Haji Ahmed, members of PJAK bureaus and even PJAK guerrillas are targeted. However, we have our security measures and concepts. I cannot go into further details.

[Aso] How do you view the attempts by [Jalal] Talabani and [Mas'ud] Barzani on behalf of the Kurdish cause in other parts of Kurdistan?
[Briyar Gabar] These two gentlemen have long been struggling in the political ground in one of the parts of Kurdistan. Whether we like it or not, these two leaders have played prominent roles and have affected the Kurdish political equation on the ground. Their sense of responsibility has lately increased towards the Kurdish cause in general and northern Kurdistan in particular. The achievements of southern Kurdistan are great support for the Kurds of other parts.

[Aso] During a German TV programme which was prepared in Qandil Mountain, the PJAK leader stated that the USA is helping them.
[Briyar Gabar] The programme that you refer to was prepared by a German TV channel, which distorted the facts and inverted them. We will take legal steps against this. Most of the views that were expressed in the name of the PJAK are false and this was done deliberately. These claims are untrue; the USA has never helped us.

[Aso] As a member of the Kurd Nation, what do say to those countries that listed the PJAK as a terrorist party?
[Briyar Gabar] The struggle of the Kurdish liberation movement is continuing. This is to the benefit of some - not all - parties. Therefore, when a party looks at the rights, freedom, identity and history of a nation, it considers its own benefits. But this is quite wrong and it should not be like this, given the ethical, humanitarian and even political measures. The question of listing us with terrorists for the sake of narrow interests may create problems and obstructions because we represent the cause of a whole nation in Kurdistan. In essence, though, this does not bring about any changes. I am sure that in the end they should kneel down in front of the PKK for the sake of the Kurdish people and the whole of Kurdistan.

[Aso] Do you think that Article 140 can be implemented in such a short time?
[Briyar Gabar] I do not think that Article 140 and the Kirkuk issue will be finalized in such a short time, because the content of the so-called Article 140 comprises issues like Arabization and many other accumulated post-Saddam problems and pressures. I think that the [Kurdistan] regional government should be criticized for its inaction during the past few years. That is why today it is difficult to implement this article in the allocated time. I also say: Not only southern Kurdistan but all the other parts, including the PJAK, should remain vigilant regarding Kirkuk and Article 140. Everyone should shoulder some sort of responsibility. But the parties of southern Kurdistan do not seek help from the Kurds of other parts.

[Aso] Do you think that the parliamentary elections will result in any changes towards the Kurds?
[Briyar Gabar] Aside from the elections, what is well known is that the Turkish military has called for a multi-faceted war. Moreover, the PKK announced a unilateral cease-fire a long time before the elections. This was in vain, because Turkey has not responded yet, though it has increased its [military] operations. As such, the cease-fire has been invalidated and inactivated. That is why currently there is still a sort of war. The question is who will win power. Will there be any changes or not? However, what is certain is that for the time being the Turkish parties will stay united against the Kurdish cause, in spite of their political differences during the elections campaigns and propaganda. We are looking forward to seeing the aftermath of the current war decision [on the part of Turkey].

[Aso] Has the coming of [Iranian President] Ahmadinezhad worsened the Kurdish political situation or advanced it?
[Briyar Gabar] Ever since the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran has come to power, Kurds have always suffered, although sometimes they managed to breathe through an outlet, but these have yielded minor results. All in all, the fact is that the coming of Ahmadinezhad has, in a word, brought the situation to the edge of hell. There has been no improvement at all.

* Kurd Nation is equal to the Leadership Bureau, in which every member is also a member of the Kurd Nation in the PJAK.
Originally published by Aso, Kirkuk, in Sorani Kurdish 13 Aug 07 p5.
(c) 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle East.

Iranian attacks render hundreds of Kurdish families homeless

Iranian attacks render hundreds of Kurdish families homeless
MESOP

Hundreds of panicky Kurdish families inhabiting border areas with neighboring Iran had to flee their homes after Iranian shelling targeted villages at the foot of Mount Qandeel in Sulaimaniya province, 364 km northeast of Baghdad. The families are now living in groups in tents near rivers and wells, waiting for the government's helping hand that is never outstretched.Although the villagers know quite well that their areas are coming under attack due to the presence of PJAK fighters, Iranian Kurds who oppose the mullahs’ regime in Iran, Khidr Bayez, 57, supports the Kurds."The presence of these armed fighters makes perfect sense in the lands of Kurdistan. Iran might well have had another pretext to strike even if there had not been the presence of PJAK gunmen," Bayez, who was displaced from his Mount Qandeel village, said."These fighters are Kurds. This is Kurdistan. They have no other place to go," he emphasized.Iran has been shelling border areas in Qalaat Daza, 135 km northewest of Sulaimaniya; Haj Omran, 147 km northeast of Arbil; and Banjwin district, 96 km northeast of Sulaimaniya for two weeks now under the pretext of tracking down PJAK fighters.Turkey, also, was shelling border areas in the northern Iraqi province of Duhuk under the pretext of fighting members of imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan's Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).Kurdish sources said the shelling caused damage to property and fires in Kurdish forests.PJAK (Partiya Jiyana Azada Kurdistanê in Kurdish or Kurdistan Free Life Party) is a Kurdish military opposition group founded in 2004, said to be linked to the PKK. PJAK, although a newly established organization, continuously launches militant operations against Iranian army forces, so that in 2005, in less than 6 months, it killed 120 Iranian police and wounded tens more.Homeless families complain of a lack of humanitarian relief from any organization, in light of immense material losses, as the shelling sets their lands on fire.Each of the villages of Maradawa, Arka, Aki, Sirw, Sora Kola, Spilka, Eleih and Rash have received more than 50 Iranian artillery shells. Hundreds of acres of orchards were burnt. The attacks caused no casualties.In the village of Sora Kola, life seems to have come to a standstill. Only seven houses were still standing and all were vacant except one, where the men of the village gathered together. Their families had fled scores of kilometers away."We hold (Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri) al-Maliki responsible for the burnt orchards and gardens. These incidents took place only after his (recent) visits to Syria, Iran and Turkey," 56-year-old Hamad Hassan told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI) while leaning on his pillow and sadly looking at the burnt fields.A spokesman for the Iraqi Kurdistan region's security force (Peshmerga) had held the central government in Baghdad responsible for any decision representing "a reply to Iranian shelling.""The problem is occurring on international borders. It is Baghdad's responsibility," the Peshmerga spokesman Jabbar Yawir, said.In one of the PJAK strongholds Amir Kerimi, a member of the Kurdish group's administrative body, said "Iran's attacks began right after Maliki visited Syria, Turkey and Iran and made agreements with those countries."On concerns that Mount Qandeel might turn into a haven for al-Qaeda Organization in Iraq if the PJAK and PKK fighters withdraw, Kerimi replied "No force can ever take Mount Qandeel from us."PJAK is a splinter group of the PKK. It separated from it after PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan was imprisoned in Turkish jails. The nearly 3,000 PJAK fighters then started their armed struggle against the Iranian authorities, with the aim of "building federalism for Iran's Kurdistan."